To meet two of Ellington's closest confidantes, Stanley and Helen Dance, I traveled two
hours from LA to their home in Vista, California, just west of San Diego.
It was my enormous good fortune to speak with both of them at once; I had
expected to see Stanley only, but it was Helen who sparked most of our conversation,
for nearly an entire afternoon. She had been, from the mid-1930s,
legendary as a writer, concert organizer, and producer. From the
mid-1930s on, largely due to her social position, she was able to became one of
most important catalysts in all of jazz.
Stanley, of course, was one of the persons closest to Duke Ellington for
the last fifteen years of Duke's life. The series of recordings he
produced for the British Felsted label remains unrivaled. He is largely
recognized as the person who helped pianist Earl "Fatha" Hines resume
his career in the 1960s. Fittingly, it
was Stanley Dance who delivered Duke Ellington’s eulogy in 1974.
From this point, it is best to let Stanley and Helen Dance
tell their own stories.
STANLEY DANCE: (on
his problems selling his most recent book) I'd written another biography
of a Black musician, and I thought that would be easy to sell.
I've had a difficult
time, too. I just had to decide to do it. If it sells, that's fine,
but I can't be going into this thing just for the money.
SD: People think
you make a lot of money at this. You'll probably get a $5,000 advance,
and that's about it. The main thing is to find an audience, but the
trouble is the young people in New York don't know anything about jazz, except
for the guy at Oxford University Press.
Sheldon Meyer?
They sat on my manuscript for almost a year and then sent it back.
It was the manuscript I wrote as a master's thesis a year ago, because it
didn't have as much as they'd like about Ellington's music. That's a
dilemma, because I'm not a musicologist; if I were, I'd probably do something
like Gunther Schuller. His second installment [The Swing Era] is due any time now.
SD: He works
sixteen to eighteen hours a day, so he has little time to write books.
It's thirteen or
fourteen years overdue as it is. But what can you say about Ellington's
music without taking it bar by bar?
SD: There is quite
a bit to be said, apart from analysis. When you get into analysis of the
music, you're going to a different audience. The average person who wants
a biography does not want too much analysis where you've got to have musical
illustrations. That's a book really for musicians. At the same
time, you've got to show knowledge of what is important, what is the best of
it. You've got to develop a personal, fairly critical attitude.
To my mind, anything he
does is of interest, because you know the man is kind of a genius. You
could look at something that you don't like and ask, "Why did he do this?
Why didn't he do that?" I have a preference for what I call
the hard core of his music. The extended works and so forth were created
for white people in particular. They don’t mean much to me. His
true genius lay with the band pieces, which were superior to anything anybody
else did. The suites were marvelous, because when you call something a
suite, immediately white people think, "Aha! This is a serious piece
of music." But suites are supposed to have a common. theme.
Most of these were a series of different dances, but all of a sudden
twelve or ten or eight pieces. They could have been 78-r.p.m. records;
they were separate compositions, really. There were exceptions, like
the New Orleans Suite or The Afro-Eurasian Eclipse.
Did Duke feel the same
way?
SD: Duke was a
person who understood the nature of the business and the audience. He was
a very shrewd man. He did many things because he knew what would get some
good press reaction. He knew what his audiences wanted, too. The
big thing I think everybody should stress is that he said over and over again
that he needed a band to play his music, and the secret of hearing his music
was keeping the band alive. That fact determined many of the things he
did.
His compromises were not
on his best level. He did play rock tunes, he did compromise only
occasionally, but it was purely a matter of dollars. That Mary
Poppins thing: we all thought it would turn out horribly, but
musically, it came out well. There's lots of excellent music on it. n I
didn't particularly like that Bal Masque record. That
was done for the same reason: survival, to keep the band running.
I was talking to Irving
Mills yesterday. He stressed that very much: keeping the band
together, keeping the same personnel. He takes a lot of personal credit
for that, the rules he laid down for the band. It's difficult for me to
say how powerful a force he was, compared to Duke. But I get the
impression that Mills pretty much ran the thing while he was in command.
SD: Mills came
into the picture about, what, 1928?
Nineteen twenty-seven,
the Cotton Club.
SD: At that time,
a Black Bandleader had to have a white backer. There's no question that,
within that realm, Mills was divine. He was gifted, and he had far more
foresight than most of them. He was extremely valuable to Ellington.
When you come up to the first long work, "Creole Rhapsody," he
had the idea for that title. "Rhapsody" sounds important.
That was Mills's idea. I give Mills a lot of credit. People
say that Mills cheated Duke; well, I don't know. Duke refers to him in Music
Is My Mistress, that in the early days, he was indebted to Mills.
Mills said he felt
slighted by Ellington's reference to him, but I don't understand why.
SD: He called me
several times. He was terrified that it would be much worse than it was.
There's nothing
derogatory in there at all. What did he expect?
SD: He may have
thought he deserved more credit. What
did Lawrence [Brown] say about Billy Strayhorn?
He called him a genius.
As a matter of fact, he didn't consider Ellington "in the same
Auditiorium" as Billy Strayhorn.
SD: This is where
you have to be careful. You've got to make your own judgment. The
point is that before Billy came and after he had died Duke still produced
things, and after Billy died he seemed to be writing more than before. I
always think Billy was a crutch that Duke didn't really need. He was
a great talent, and he contributed a lot, but whether Duke leaned on him more
than he needed, I don't know.
Another thing:
there are a lot of arrangements written by people like Dick Vance.
They're not important, but a good portion of the book did come from
outside sources. That record Columbia's just put out, The Girls
Suite, some is obviously Duke and some are probably Billy's work. I
do know, for instance, that Suite Thursday, when that was written I
was in Boston making records with Harry Carney. I was there a week or ten
days, and Duke was writing this down every day and taking it down to rehearsal
in the afternoon and alter it. By the time they got to Monterey, they
premiered it, and then the record was made. It was basically what I'd
heard in Boston, and Billy Strayhorn wasn't even there.
I can't discount a man
who played with Duke for over thirty years.
Essentially, what he said was that Duke was gifted with a fine memory
and that everything he wrote was stolen from his sidemen, a riff here and a riff
there, combined into something new.
SD: In the early days, you can see that was the
case. The names that appear as joint composers:
there comes a time when it disappears altogether. After Strayhorn gets in, you very seldom get
author's credit given to someone else.
Have you talked with Louis Bellson at all?
I just missed him a year
ago, but he comes through Chicago regularly.
SD: I often meet musicians, just like
yourself. Of course, Cootie is still
alive, but he won't talk unless you pay him $500.
I had a talk with him,
but I didn't interview him on tape. We
had some coffee together.
SD: One of the things that's happened is
archives. The Smithsonian people would
pay $2,000. Older musicians now want to
be paid to do it.
You can't blame them.
SD: No, you can't, especially when they’ve more
or less out of the business. When they
were active, they would like to be interviewed by DownBeat. It was valuable publicity, but once they've
retired, you can understand why they'd want some money.
Speaking of reticence,
Duke is not even approached by anyone around him. In the foreword to The World of Duke
Ellington he makes the cryptic remark that Helen and Stanley Dance would not
reveal more than they ought. What did he
consider off-limits? Was he thinking
about his personal life?
SD: No. It
just meant that he trusted us. He knew
we wouldn't anyway.
When I moved to this
country about thirty years ago, he offered me a job. I didn't want to work for him. I knew a good deal about Ellington. I was interested rather as you are. I loved and was intrigued by him and his men. I was very friendly with Johnny Hodges and
Paul Gonsalves, and people like that.
That meant the world to
me. I'd do a lot of things for Duke,
taking pieces from newspapers and so forth.
I kept his scrapbooks, and his career was covered very well. got on
top of that, and it wasn't too bad. During
the last fifteen years of his career, I did things for him. I was useful to him. There was never any feedback: he asked me, and I said "yes."
I went on tour with him
to South America, and we had a tremendous time.
I remember Russia: I didn't want
to go to Russia, because I was still aa British citizen. While we were there, about 150 of the
diplomatic service were gathered to spy on us.
And I was there on a British passport; I didn't know whether they would
put me in jail while Duke had gone off.
There was another
controversy at that time, about a film.
Somebody wanted to make a documentary about the Russian tour.
SD: Yes, there was something going on. The best pictures of the tour were taken by
Time-Life.
You said you didn't make
the Near East tour.
SD: No, I didn't.
I wish I could remember the reason.
Ellington describes it in his book.
I put some of that together.
Ray Nance was deported
during that tour, wasn't he?
SD: There was some trouble. He was a junkie. I can’t remember all of it.
Would you mind talking
about yourself? Were you born in London?
SD: That's the last place in the world I would
want to be born! That and New York.
You're not a big-city
person.
SD: I was from a little town in Essex,
Braintree. It was in the country.
Were you raised to go
into a particular profession?
SD: My father was a businessman; he was like the
mayor of this town. He was quite
brilliant. His main business was a local
import tobacco company.
When I was fourteen, I
was sent to the local boarding school, but I was separated and sent to boarding
school. That quickly makes you take a
little trouble with your work. It was
there that I got interested in jazz, because, by coincidence, there were three
or four boys whose parents were big shots, director of what is now the EMI
Colombian label for Okeh Records. When
they sent their kids to school, they knew all kinds of popular music. The average kid would take one or two favorite
records for a thirteen-week term. These
kids came back with all the pop records.
The result was that
after six weeks I grew sick to death of songs like "When the Red, Red
Robin Comes Bob-Bob-Bobbin' Along," that sort of song. Gradually, they had a pile of records they
didn't want to play, because they got sick of them.
Were any of them by English
or American bands?
SD: Yes.
There were a lot of American records. I’m talking about 1926, ’27, ’28. But then I heard Jelly Roll Morton and his Red
Hot Peppers, and Duke Ellington, Louis Armstrong, and Eddie Lang and Joe
Venuti. Nobody really cared for these
records; they sounded weird to them. But
some of us were intrigued. We had a boy named
Leggett who had very thick lips: we
called him "Thick Lips Tom." So
every time he came into our room, we'd play "Thick Lips Blues" just
to irritate him.
Gradually, we began to
like these records, so by trial and error we began to listen to Lou.is
Armstrong and Jelly Roll Morton. In
1932, some of us saw Louis Armstrong in London.
Fletcher Henderson?
SD: I don't think we did. Of course, we did like the Bix and Trumbauer things.
Was he at the Palladium?
SD: No, I think it was at the Hogan Empire, which
was a similar place. Duke did his
premiere at the Palladium.
That would have been the
world's premiere vaudeville house.
SD: Yes, it was that for a long time, even up until
World War Two.
Duke was impressive at
the Palladium. I guess they played about
forty minutes. I remember Ivie Anderson
sang "Stormy Weather." By that
time there were two magazines really devoted to jazz. There was one called Rhythm and the other
Audio. These were written mainly for
semi-pros, that guy who plays on a bandstand two nights a week. There may have been some really devoted to
professional musicians, but generally speaking, these were the two. Anyway, these semi-pros supported the
magazines, and there was discontent with this program at the Palladium, because
the public wanted one thing and these semi-pros quite another. So, there was a special concert at the
Trocadero for musicians. They had the
first half planned for commercial music and the second for musicians.
Anyhow, it was the
biggest movie house in Europe. It was a
huge place. That was the first true jazz
concert in Europe.
In '37 I got acquainted
with Helen for the first time. I met her
in a studio; I think she was recording for Bluebird. Then we went to the Cotton Club.
At the time, you'd never
met Ellington in person. I don't imagine
you were invited to any of the fancy parties!
SD: None of them.
I was going to ask you
about something by a Cambridge student named Russell Woodward. At the
time of Duke's visit, he accompanied him and wrote a series of twelve essays,
most of them devoted to the band, its style and sidemen. The manuscript
was at the Chicago Historical Society, in the files of the Associated Negro
Press. They printed some of it. It made for interesting reading,
the impression Ellington made on English audiences.
SD: I think I I
remember the name. I think Sinclair Charles sent a copy to me. I
didn't think it was publishable; I don't think it is today. Have you read
the one R. D. Darrell wrote in Phonograph?
I've been unable to find
it.
SD: I’ve got it
somewhere. It's worth quoting, because
people don't realize what the first sixth months of DownBeat meant. There was very little intelligent
criticism. I used to read Orchestra
World. It was useful: it told you who the bands were and where they
were playing. They even had record reviews,
but there was no conception of what was good.
In England there was a guy called Edgar Jackson, who was a sort of doyen
of jazz critics.
I always thought it was
Spike Hughes.
SD: Spike was later. Spike was very good, but Edgar Jackson years
had been writing stuff. Bubber Miley’s
solos were “negroid” and “crude.” Those
were actually adjectives he used. A lot
of English viewpoint was dictated by white musicians. It was all about white musicians like Paul
Whiteman and Rd Nichols. Jackson and
many more of them really liked Red Nichols more than Tricky Sam. It wasn’t really ‘til Spike Hughes began to
write record reviews that we got any first-class criticism. On the other side of the pond, John Hammond
began to write. John wrote better than
anyone.
When did Leonard Feather
begin his career?
SD: Leonard Feather started out about 1933 or
’34; he was very white in his opinions.
Panassier began to write in France, and that was good, because his
columns were mostly about Black bands.
At any rate, you made a
visit here.
SD: I came here in 1937. Duke was playing at the downtown Cotton Club.
Wasn’t that the year of
“Caravan”?
SD: I think they recorded “Caravan” in ’36.
Tell me about the show.
SD: All I remember is Duke and five or six others
onstage, and that when the band began, Ivie Anderson appeared six times. I really don’t remember much about the show;
there were a lot of dancers and singers.
This is the thing I’m intending to do something about, because everybody
likes the big halls.
You mean like Carnegie
Hall?
SD: But this isn’t it. Duke had been going for fifty years. Then people say the band was sloppy. Well, of course it was sloppy when they were
playing a dance in Oshkosh or somewhere.
Those were the nights when very often extraordinary things happened,
because somebody isn’t on the stage, and somebody else takes his solo, and he
might come up with something that Duke hears.
There have been a
countless number of private recordings made, and they are extraordinary.
SD: They are the bread and butter of
musicians. That’s where they’re most at
ease and natural, and more or less enjoying themselves. That’s what people always talk about: the road and so forth.
At what point did you
meet Ellington?
SD: In 1937.
I’d gotten an introduction by way of my wife. There was a magazine in France called Jazz
Hot ; I worked for it and so did she.
While you were writing,
how did you make a living?
SD: In my father’s business. You might have thought I had gone away to
Africa or something! Then I went to New
York along with Helen.
She was working for
Irving Mills at the time.
SD: She was doing publicity, but primarily she
was making all those small-group records for
Variety. I was going to come back the
following year, but I was in the Royal Observatory, which was trying to become part
of the Air Defense. That was the year of
Munich and we were kind of frozen, but I did go over to Paris when Duke was
there in 1939.
Was it done in a
bomb-proof theater?
SD: The Salle Pleyel? I don’t think there was anything unusual about
it. It was a big place, but I don’t
suppose it was bomb-proof. It might have
been at the beginning of the war, but certainly not by the end. It was a big place. It couldn’t have been bomb-proof. I was going back to New York, but then the
war came and cancelled it.
At any rate, I remember
that on that trip, Rex Stewart made that record in France. The studio had a sliding gate like a garage. I
think Tommy Benton was supposed to play drums.
Anyway, they couldn’t find a drummer that morning. Barney [Bigard] wanted me to play drums, but
all they had was a military side-drum with one stick and one brush. There I was, banging away on this tin drum,
and they told me to stop! That date was where they met Django Reinhardt.
Were you travelling with
the band then? Were you so familiar they asked you to sit in?
SD: No, we just went over for this one date. By this time I was getting to know the band
fairly well. They were all playing at
night, so we would hang together during the day. Then Duke came back in 1948.
He arrived with only Ray
Nance and Kay Davis then, because of the musicians’ union. What British musicians backed him?
SD: The Melvin Mitchell Trio. But that was
because the American union wouldn’t allow British bands. Americans always make it sound as though the
British unions were bad, but actually it was the fault of the Americans.
I came over here in
1946. I was in the service from 1939 to
1945. I met
Helen and visited her sister in Toronto.
I went back and forth to England a couple of times. Helen and I were married in 1948.
At that time, were you still living in Essex?
SD: Yes, Duke came
to my home in Essex. I knew him well
enough that he offered me one of his ties.
Thids was the period when he still carried a big wardrobe; that was a
thing of its time. You could go in
Duke’s dressing room and find ties that were all bright colors and garish,
trying to find something conservative.
Actually, I picked out two. He
said, “Don’t you like more exotic ties?”
“Not where I live,” I answered.
It was around this time you developed a friendship.
SD: I was able to have him in my house. He went to Helen’s house; she a.nd her brother used to play cards with him. When was it he played at Leeds?
Nineteen Fifty-eight.
SD: By this time,
we had got to know Gerald Lascelles, who was a jazz fan. [to Helen:] What was the name of Gerald Lascelles’s brother?
HD: The Earl of
Harewood.
SD: The other
partner was an opera fan. They were
going to put on a festival at Leeds,,, but that got a very rough answer from
Norman Granz. So Gerald asked us if we
could have a meeting with Duke to explain.
Duke asked, “Are you coming?” So
we came. Helen knows more, because she
did publicity. But starting in 1959, from
then on I was nearly always around Duke.
How long did you live together in England before coming
here?
SD: Twelve years, I
think.
[The conversation changed to a discussion of a tape we both
had of a seminar with Gunther Schuller in Chicago.]
SD: That’s like the
Duke Ellington Dance Society. They talk
and cackle all the way through the music.
I thought he [Schuller] made a good point, though, when he said
Ellington’s music cannot survive by records alone. I think that’s quite true. People of our generation, of course, want the
real thing. We don’t really like recreations.
I can’t imagine a substitute for Ellington.
SD: Well, other
saxophonists can sound very much like Johnny Hodges. But it’s not quite the same.
I don’t know how long Ellington’s music will last. It could be in another thirty or forty years,
nobody, except historians, will know his name.
SD: Some of the
songs will probably carry on.
HD: Thirty or forty
years on, people still talk about the Original Dixie Jass Band, and they’re bit
really not worth the interest of posterity.
I imagine Duke’s name will last as long, because he was an innovator.
I read an article by Duke where he claimed that posterity
is like a roulette wheel.
SD: Everybody talks
as though jazz will go on forever. I
never have thought that. It will be
played more ore less like Dixieland is today.
They’ll still know how to do it.
It will be like the Viennese waltz period.
I don’t imagine anything will last forever, not Beethoven,
not Shakespeare.
[We return to the living room.]
I thought Don George’s book [Sweet Man] was atrocious. No one I’ve talked to who has any knowledge
of Ellington at all had anything kind to say about this book. It was worthless.
SD: It would have
been more interesting if he’d said something about writing lyrics for
Duke. He hardly mentioned that.
Just a little bit about “I’m Beginning to See the Light.”
SD: I always thought
he was quite a good lyricist, really. A
lot of people put him down. They were
quite pretty.
[Helen joins our conversation to share her memories of
their early years in both countries.]
Please take me from Toronto to Irving Mills in New
York.
SD: You can get
that out of Sally Placksin’s book. It’s
just out: American Women in Jazz.
HD: She’s done a
good job on the book: information on all
kinds of gals. She’s done a lot of
research; I think Eddie Durham helped.
Nothing like that had come before.
SD: No, it’s
original.
HD: I first heard
Duke in Detroit. Then, when I was in
Chicago, in those days there weren’t many people doing research on him. He seemed to be interested in what I was
writing.
Were you working for Mills at that time?
HD: No, I
wasn’t. I owed my recommendation to
Mills from Duke. He had an eye out for
talent; I don’t necessarily mean in my case, but he could read things in people
and was always very charitable, very generous.
He always brought out the best in everyone, and not just who was in the
band. He was a very inspiring person; I
remember his saying to Irving Mills, “You’ve got to hire this girl.” Of wWhen
I was eight years old, I would hear things I liked that everybody else thought
was terrible. I was allowed to make only
one choice. What I asked for was Louis
Armstrong. [to SD]: And, not Johnny Dodds, but Jimmy Noone? I was writing for DownBeat, but I was
also freelancing for the Chicago Herald-Examiner
You weren’t faced with the problem of making a living
then?
HD: I was, in the
sense I had left home, and I was completely wrapped up in the kind of jazz that
I liked. That’s why I left home.
What was the turning point that pushed you in that
direction?
HD: From the
beginning, when I was very small.
Families like mine could afford these big downtown record stores, where
you could choose what to hear. When I
was eight years old, I would hear things I liked that everybody else thought
was terrible. I was allowed to make only
one choice. What I asked for was Louis
Armstrong.
SD: Living in
Toronto, Helen also heard radio broadcasts from Chicago a lot, including Earl
Hines.
HD: You could
catch Hines at the Grand Terrace or Claude Hopkins from New York. So, by the time I was fourteen or fifteen,
the only way I could find out anything was to go to parties. My sister and I were debutantes, and now and
then we would hear society bands, which were awful. But every now and then, there would be an
instrumentalist from Canada who would play outstanding solos, so I could talk
to musicians of this kind, learn about the instruments, so that when I heard
Benny Goodman on a record, I knew that was a clarinet. In a little while, I established the facts
for myself. I was seventeen, and I was
determined that was going to be my life.
There wasn’t anything in Canada, so I made my way to Detroit, and then
to Chicago.
I just thought the world of Coleman Hawkins with Fletcher
Henderson and McKinney’s Cotton Pickers, so I went to the Graystone Ballroom [in
Detroit]. I was bitterly disappointed,
because this was the big moment in my life to that point, but there was no
Hawk. He’d just gone to England, and I
was heartbroken.
Lester Young had replaced him.
HD: Yes, but
Lester was very unhappy and didn’t belong there. I was glad to hear the other musicians, but
no Hawk. I don’t think Benny Carter was
in the band then. Anyway, I went on to
Chicago, where musicians were always playing, even if nobody knew who they were
or where to find them, so it was hard to make a living. I met Jess Stacy, Bud Freeman, George
Wettling, Davey Tough; they were all playing, but they were scuffling. Glenn [Burris] had just started passing out a
music sheet on Randolph Street, just around the corner from the musicians’
union. It was just two sheets of paper,
four sides, passed out to the musicians on the street. I said, “Glenn, why don’t you get to work
and put stuff in about these musicians?
What was he concentrating on?
HD: He was just
saying that Ted Weems was playing at the Blackhawk, things like that. It was just a little trade sheet for
musicians.
SD: No criticism
whatsoever.
Wasn’t it lurid in its early years?
HD: Not yet. Carl Conns brought that about. Glenn was very nice to me and asked, ‘Do you
want to write in it?” This was my
ideal. I loved music, so whatever I
could do that would enhance it and make it more available was good for the
musicians. It was selfish, too, because
it was good for me. So this is what I
did, and it got to people like Squirrell Ashcroft.
Tell me about
Squirrell Ashcroft. He was from one of
the Ivy League schools, wasn’t he?
HD: Yes,
Princeton. He was a very nice guy, and
so were all the others in the Chicago Rhythm Club from Princeton. They came from wealthy families, and their
names were well-known. And I knew people in Toronto, so we had something in
common. They were genuine fans, but not quite
in the way I was. They weren’t exactly
Dixieland fans.
SD: It was that
white Chicago jazz.
HD: He did tend
toward Jimmy McPartland and that sort of thing.
They were out for the music. You
can’t really classify Bud Freeman.
SD: The Austin
High Gang: Frank Teschemacher, Joe
Sullivan, they were all involved with it.
That was really their main thing, don’t you think? Judging by what they continued to hear, year
after year.
HD: Maybe, by
contrast, it was a little more Dixieland than it seemed at the time. They liked Benny Goodman, too
SD: Bix people.
HD: That’s
right. Anyway, I could see that
Squirrell and company could be very useful in establishing a chain of
popularity. Benny had just had the
“Let’s Dance” program from New York City, broadcast coast to coast. It was the first time any big band was
available: real music out of a band, not
just a small group. You could hear Bunny
Berrigan, Hymie Schertzer: all of the
musicians in that band were good, to the extent that they tried to make it, cross-country.
The music business then was very precarious. Nobody had done that. You had to play waltzes and hot tunes of the
day and not make too much row. Benny was
trying to see if he could be “Benny Goodman.”
Even the office, MCA, didn’t realize they were gambling on
something. They thought he was like
everybody else.
But the business was very precarious. They fell flat, over and over. They were booed when they came out. We thought, if they don’t have a hit and make
it, that was the end of it all. Then
people like Jess hit in Chicago.
SD: This was
before they had the big hit at the Palomar [Ballroom, in Los Angeles].
HD: We didn’t know
they’d had a big hit at the Palomar, just before they came to Chicago.
So everything seemed to change suddenly?
HD: It
depends. Those broadcasts had been
caught on the West Coast. They didn’t
know it then, but they had a following.
When they came to Chicago, I built it up in the
Herald-Examiner, on the society page, as well as the music page. I said to the Rhythm Club, “Now you’ve got a
role to play. Make a big success of
whatever we do, and it will make news, and everybody will follow suit, and
we’ll be a big success in Chicago.” They
all agreed and thought it was great.
But then I had to contend with Benny Goodman, and he was
a character, very hard-headed. Of
course, it was all new to him. We went
into the Congress Hotel, the Joseph Urban Room.
I think there had been food poisoning there; anyhow, it had a bad
reputation. Mr. Kaufman, the owner, was
naturallyh very pleased to have anyone help the hotel.
No one had ever given a concert; I said to Benny, “Let’s
give a concert.” Well, nobody had ever
given a jazz concert. That was a new
concept here. They’d given them over in
England.
What was the Urban Room? A supper club?
HD: Yes, it was a
ballroom for dinner and dance. Benny
thought the idea was ridiculous. I said,
“Make it a benefit.” There was no money,
because I didn’t want Benny to charge money, anyway. I , asked, “If the union allows it, will you
do it?” I’d already fixed things up with
the union, the way I did with Kaufman.
The Rhythm Club had never done anything where they sold lots of tickets. You couldn’t get in, it was so crowded. It was a big success.
Was John Hammond involved in this?
HD: No, but Hammond was very much involved with Goodman.
With that as an opener, and it was Easter Sunday coming
up, I said to Benny, “Let’s get Teddy [Wilson].” Teddy, Benny, and Gene Krupa had just formed
the trio at Mildred Bailey’s house.
Their records were wonderful, but you couldn’t get away from Black and
white together onstage. I said, “If Kaufman
agrees. Would you put them on as an intermission act?” That’s exactly what we did, and it was
sensational. Benny saw that, musically,
there was never anything better. Then I
organized a party at my apartment for
Duke and Benny, who had never met. We
brought Benny down to hear Duke.
What year was that?
HD: That was in
1936, wasn’t it, Stan? It was an Easter
concert.
SD: It must have
been ’35.
HD: Then we
organized a concert for Fletcher Henderson.
The Rhythm Club would put on a concert every month, including Duke. When Kaufman booked Duke Ellington into the
room, it was a huge success, wonderful.
Had you got to know Ellington before this?
HD: Yes. I met Duke when he was playing the theater in
Detroit; I can’t remember the name of the theater. He was terribly nice, and that began our
friendship. This is incidental, but when
he played Toronto, I had an older brother up there who also liked the music
very much. Between Duke and his
then-companion Mildred Dixon, they’d come out to play bridge, and it became a
friendship.
Wasn’t that the time the Rhythm Club gave him a bath
towel?
Who made that presentation? Barry Ulanov wrote that there was a lot of
trouble finding someone to make the presentation. A lot of jazzmen around town refused to do it,
I imagine because of race.
HD: Well, Barry
must have got it all from me, because he wasn’t there. I’d introduced Barry to Duke in New
York. Duke didn’t like his book at all,
because he didn’t authorize it.
Was it something in particular about the book, or was
it the idea of anyone writing his biography?
HD: Without
permission. He didn’t have anything from
Duke himself, because Duke didn’t know he was doing it. In fact, for a little while I was in dutch,
because I’d brought Barry into the picture.
I didn’t realize it either. My
memory is poor, but whatever Barry had, he got from me.
A review I read in the Daily News was titled
“Africa in Tails.” That says a lot about
the attitude of those times.
HD: One thing I
want to say to you, just to go back in time and the circumstances in the
context of the concert. It made Time
Magazine. I think it was the cover, but
it might not have been.
What was the Urban Room like? Tables and chairs? Dancing?
HD: No
dancing. Everybody stood, and they
introduced the program and the numbers.
Everybody, of course, was just terribly taken by the audience. Stanley and I thought afterward, “What have
we introduced to jazz? Concerts instead
of dancing? Dancing is far better for
jazz, because it has that beat: let’s
keep that beat going.
But anyway, that was rather marvelous. Time said, “What about this? Listening to jazz without dancing to
it.” That’s when Duke said to Irving,
“You’ve got to give this girl a job.”
SD: The job came
about because there was a position to make records. Mills told you he had a magazine called
Melody News, didn’t he?
I’ve read about it.
John Hammond refers to it in his book.
He once wrote for it.
HD: Hammond wanted
to run anybody he was interested in, but nobody ran Duke; even Irving didn’t.
Was this the cause of bad feelings between Hammond and
Duke? Hammond never had anything
positive to say about Duke.
HD: Oh, yes, of course. Hammond eventually said that Irving Mills was
a crook who took advantage of poor, innocent Duke. Yes, he did take advantage, to the extent of
making money, but Duke was a realist. He
knew he had to have an Irving Mills. He
said, “I have someone who is dedicated to me and helps to mold me into what I
want to be. I wouldn’t have gone
anywhere without him.”
I think Duke was absolutely right. He was never really bitter about Irving Mills. You know, we might laugh about how Irving put
his name on everything, but Mills was a genius in his own way.
Was the relationship between the two relatively
placid?
HD: Yes. Irving saw Duke as the greatest, sold him as
the greatest, and knew there was genius in his ideas, and Duke thought that was
fine. Irving came up with lots of good
ideas. He bought a company out, just to
establish his own record company to get the Ellington music going. He bought Brunswick Records.
I talked to him yesterday. He said the small-group records invariably
outsold the big band. He complained
about the band’s “over-arrangement
I don’t mean to scapegoat John Hammond. John was enormously successful at taking over
people, and people did do what he suggested and became successful themselves.
You mean Fletcher Henderson, Billie Holiday…
HD: Yes, all of
them. He even took over their personal
lives. But Ellington was a much bigger
human being, a bigger personality, and a greater talent than he’d been dealing
with. Nobody pushed Duke around. Nobody manipulated Duke. Duke would never say so, but Irving knew it.
There was a line he would not cross.
HD: So John said,
“I’ll fix this. I’ll write it
publicly: I’ll say, ‘Duke Ellington is
being made a fool of by Irving Mills.
These are the facts,’ and so on.
Duke totally ignored the thing.
“Is it true?” he’d ask. “Maybe
Mr. Hammond has some inside track, because I’ve never known such
circumstances. I’m happy in our
situation and doing very well.” So John
came up against a stone wall with that.
What was his motive?
Jealousy?
HD: That was
John’s personality. He was a Svengali,
or whatever you want to call it.
Sour grapes, I guess.
HD: In a sense,
yes.
SD: John did
nothing for Earl Hines or Louis [Armstrong], for that matter. He couldn’t manipulate them.
HD: Well, that’s
past history. That really moves us to
New York.
We were in Chicago, at the Urban Room.
HD: The thing was,
Benny sent for me to come to New York; he wanted me to work for him. He was very pleased by what had happened at
the Urban Room.
Benny’s band was wonderful. They had Bunny [Berigan]. It was a white band that was very good. I was thrilled to work with him, because his
music was so marvelous. He said, “Come
with me.” I knew we would have an
enormous success at the Pennsylvania [Hotel], so I was tempted. But Benny’s a very difficult person to work
with. I knew the whole family and was
fond of them. I stayed with them in New
York, but I wouldn’t work for Benny.
I thought Benny Goodman was from Chicago.
HD: Yes, they were
from Chicago, but they moved to New York.
They lived on Long Island, around the corner from Bunny. Benny said, “Come and stay,” and I did, but I
went to work for Mills. To me
personally, Ellington was the most meaningful thing there was. I thought very well of Irving, too. He was an instant-idea man. I was like working for a little genius. He needed only about three hours of sleep,
and everybody in the office was liable to put in twenty-one hour days. There was always something going on
He was also very generous with gifts and champagne.
SD: Ned Williams told the story of how he’d buy up stocks of goods to give out at Christmas time.
There was something else I wanted to ask. I got the impression from Hammond’s book that
Mills’s office was decorated in a strange way with murals.
HD: Yes, that’s
right. I think there were. There we all
were working, using things we’d picked up here and picked up there. Ned was a character himself, a very nice man
and a very good newspaper man. He took
me under his wing.
So you got into the business of selling Duke
Ellington?
HD: No, not
really. I didn’t have to. I was entitled to act as a critic and write
things that were much harder than that.
But Ned put out that magazine, and it was a very good magazine. There was no house organ-y thing about
it. I was also writing for DownBeat,
so I came in as a critic, an independent critic of the Mills organization.
If you didn’t like something, you could say so.
HD: Yes, but mind
you, there were limits. I was picked by
a board. Nowadays, you don’t have all
that management stuff, but Irving did.
He’d have conferences with brain-trusts and lawyers. On Mondays, everyone would sit at the round
table. Basically, the idea was to make money,
but my role was to pipe up and say disruptive things, which I was allowed to
get away with, because I was hired for that.
This proved there was liberty at the Mills office!
Every now and then, Irving would get ideas from me and
other people, because, who knows? “Give
me some ideas. I’ll tell you if I can do
them or not.” He gave me the recording
thing, which was my idea of heaven. I’d
been doing some recording in Chicago for Brunswick.
SD: Brunswick and
Okeh. I think they were joined by that
time.
HD: Anyway, I’d
had some experience with recording. And
I definitely wanted to get in on that. I
didn’t want to be a big shot on the big label [Master]; that was going to have
to make money. So I wanted the Variety
label.
I read that there was a party to launch those labels.
HD: Yes. That was a big break for me, because I was
informed I was to be the hostess. It was
my party.
Was it given at your place?
HD: No. Stanley was there. It was at the record studio. It had everybody: Basie had just come to town. They were just out-of-town boys, just hitting
the big time. Anybody who was anybody
was there. We had Chick Webb,
Benny… I think Stanley has some of the
photographs.
SD: There was a
spread in Life [Magazine], I think.
Yes. “ Life Goes to a Party.”
HD: Yes. I had Chick on drums, Duke at the piano,
Benny Goodman and Artie Shaw on clarinet.
That’s what I mean about Irving: “Big deal, to hell with the cost. I want a gorgeous party.”
"Life Goes to a Party": Chick Webb, Artie Shaw, and DE. Stanley Dance stands at the right of Chick Webb at the drums; Helen Oakley stands at Ellington's left.
I was able to
start up and put some groups together, but you're up against it, in a way. Now they ask, “What can you do?” Making records is not that easy, not for any
of the groups. Where you know you've got something is a group that has been
working together. Now you know, like the
small-band Basie records. You have no
worries there, but when you start working from scratch, with these and those
ones, it's great for a jam session. But
when you put it on a record, you can't be sure that you can come up with the
greatest.
Also, Irving might foist off a doggy tune at times. He was in publishing and was buddy-buddy with
other publishers and songwriters and song pluggers. He had to subsidize all of these. Bandleaders would take these songs on.
So you’re always stuck with doggy tunes, and especially
in jazz, you’ve got these lyrics, and you have to find somebody to sing them. I had certain singers, like the Palmer
Brothers, who sounded something like the Mills Brothers, or Hot Lips Page to
throw the song at, and they'd say, “Okay.”
And there were certain people who could play these tunes in their own
way, and it came out jazz. Of course, it
had nothing to do with what the publisher thought he was going to hear.
I spoke to Duke and I spoke to Irving: “Let’s do little
bands.” The men I liked most in the band
were Johnny Hodges, Cootie Williams, Harry Carney, and Tricky Sam, as musicians
and also as people. This is what you
want to hear. Any time you hear any one
of those musicians, with the rest back there, it gels. That's it. You’d always have a tremendous recording
session. At first, Duke said, “I won’t
throw my precious pearls before swine,” because he was used to giving them
perfect settings. But Duke saw farther
ahead than anybody else, and he said to Irving, “Let’s see what the idea does.”
It was a transition period, really. When you take a talent that's aware of
everything that is inside him, that has to expand and move forward. Things that he knows about, but you and I
don't know about. We don't know what's
driving him, but he does. But when he
does something [new] the public and fans are all going to hold him down. We're all going to say to him, 'Oh no, that's
not what you were meant for. You're too
close to your own talent. Listen to
us. We'll tell you where to go and what
to do."
Irving Mills once wrote an article in DownBeat
with the headline, “I Split with Duke When Music Started Side-tracking.”
HD: There he was,
picking up on what the critics had said.
On the whole, Irving was one who didn't.
Irving wasn't in the picture in later days, but if Duke had said to
Irving ,”'I want to do a Sacred Concert,” Irving would have said, “Do a Sacred
Concert.” Everybody else would say
'Don't.' Irving would have said 'Do
it. Let's see what happens.”
Actually, several months went by, and I was champing at
the bit. The whole idea was to do Johnny
and Cootie, and Johnny and Cootie together.
But he would put it off, and do what was possible before coming to the
big stars. And by the time he came to
things like "Jeep's Blues," everybody in Harlem knew it. It was booming out of the juke boxes. Everywhere you moved there was a big haze of
Johnny Hodges. It was really
wonderful. And, of course, Cootie. It was the making of those things that was
absolutely marvelous. To my mind, the
records were marvelous. In those day s, that was the best Ellington you could
hear, don’t you think, Stan?
SD: Irving Mills
considered some of the big band sides overloaded. There’s some truth in that, because, remember
they made “The New Black and Tan” and “The New Birmingham Breakdown,” and they
were a little big in the head at times.
I don’t know what Duke was trying to do. On the small-band sides, there were only four
leaders: Rex, Barney Cootie, and
Johnny.
But not Harry.
Harry wasn't really a soloist.
HD: That's what I mean. Duke could really see the nuances, and that's why people idolized him. Carney was a marvelous musician, even though he couldn't play like he couldn't play like Cootie or Johnny. But he didn't even know it, because of the way Duke handled it. Everybody got so much to play, and Carney got so much to play. It was just an education, with Duke at the piano. The guys didn't have the faintest idea of what they were. It was beautiful, I can remember. It was just an education. Duke was at the keyboard, but nobody else had the faintest idea of what they were going to do.
And then the big band things. Duke would just come in; it was cold. All this marvelous mu8sic would come out of
him. They were knit together like a
fountain at the keyboard and all these little fountains around him. He just took all those beautiful
threads. At first the guys might be
worried, but in time they were not, because Duke was always able to create
parts for them.
You saw him as a galvanizing force?
HD: You couldn't
have known. He was absolutely
unique. You may get a Lawrence Brown not
to cooperate, but that was a personal thing.
But Duke was just so sky-high above.
It was extraordinary; he just had them in his pocket. It didn't how difficult the guys were. Duke's musicianship would just put everyone
in awe of him.
SD: He started
with musicians who didn't seem to fit the band.
He had Tizol. And then later you
take somebody like Al Sears. He replaced
Ben Webster, but Duke brought out his talent.
H.D. Ben really
reached his maturity then. In a sense,
Duke was part of each one of them. He
wrote parts for them that brought out things they didn't know they had. Ben used to fight his instrument. He hadn't
found himself technically. He was a very
temperamental guy, A brilliant emotional guy.
And Duke never said anything to anybody. They found themselves with him. They fought now and then, but whatever they
were trying to do, Duke knows it even if they don't know themselves. From the piano he pushes them right into that
thing they were trying to arrive at.
The period you're describing sounds like a happy time
for them. But later on, was there more
conflict in the band?
SD: Not as much as
you might think. When I moved here there
were factions within the band. Johnny
and Barney were not talking, but that didn't mean anything.
HD: Everybody in
the band knew that it was like belonging to a very unique club. They were honored to be in it.
SD: I couldn't talk about a period other than the last fifteen years. The band inevitably declined. There were so many departures. But generally speaking, it was a happy band.
HD: I'd like to
get back to that experience of the small groups, just to show you how it did
happen. It happened on a bigger scale
with the big band: there was nothing
ever written for that either. Duke would
come in, and they didn't know what kind of number. Duke might have heard Johnny do something the
night before. It might have been only
two bars, but it was probably four. He
would start up the tempo on the keyboard, and everybody's listening. Then Cootie would noodle or do
something. Everybody was waiting to see
where Duke was going. He'd say,
"Hey Rab, remember?" And he
just played that little phrase. And then deadpan Johnny would start
blowing. Now everybody knew what was
going to happen. He'd picked out a
little pearl, something that Johnny does, and he's going to give it a setting. They're all going to make it.
That's extraordinary.
HD: If anybody
wondered where they were going, he'd stay on the piano. It's being put together, the first
chorus. After that they decide whether
Johnny or Cootie should take the second chorus, or whether they should split
it. And that was that.
And the next one would be totally different. He'd start way down in the bass, and then
he'd say, "Put it in the gutter."
And then the third one, maybe it's going to be a little soulful. He'd say, "Carney, I want a
bottom." And before you know it,
you've got four wonderful records in no time, remember Stan?
SD: Going along
with what you said about Rabbit, later on, he would give a title to a
song. When we were doing a radio program
and needed a theme, he called to Johnny and said, "Bring that thing up
here." We said, "What will we
call it?" Right then, Duke said,
"Layin' On Mellow." People
were always fussing about those titles.
It was just a blues, and it didn't have an ending because it didn't need
one. Duke was always very casual about
that.
HD: And speaking
of having fun, Duke had a great wit and joie de vivre with
everybody. When he'd hear someone come
in with a bass, he'd work that left hand on the piano. It’d be a very catchy thing. I'd be up in the control room, and he'd look
at me and say, "She left her mad money behind, and here she is, stomping
home [stomps her feet].” What was
that?
SD: Something
"Gal Blues."
HD: That's just how
it always was.
Who would finally title it? Mills himself?
SD: In those days,
that kind of copyright filing was done efficiently. It was actually bad and led to a lot of
confusion. Duke may write out something,
but when he records it, it comes out entirely different. Afterwards, when he started to make records
for himself-- not Columbia or anybody else-- he'd just put them in what he
called his "stockpile," and the title would get garbled up. That's why some of them were titled twice.
For Piano in the Foreground, he went off to Europe. Columbia called up Ruth and said they didn't
have any titles on these. Ruth called in me and Mercer, and we sat down
and played them and put titles on them.
When Duke came back, he starts yelling, "What the hell are these
stupid titles?" But later he had to
admit we’d done a good job.
HD: But if you
read perceptively the book Stanley did with Mercer, you’ll see Duke in his true
dimensions and not interpret things that would be perceived by ordinary people. You'd see he was filled with admiration, even
when he was knocking Duke.
Duke stirred people up all the time, just for the fun of
it and to see what would come of it. Not
to create mischief, not just ordinary things like ordinary people do. In a variety of emotions and situations, to
see what will come of it, and then he’d say, "I’ve got an idea."
SD: Mercer said
that he liked to manipulate people, and that was true. He made a game of it, that was very likely
creative from his point of view and yours.
You could do something you didn't know you could do.
HD: People say,
"Oh, he liked to manipulate people, dear, dear, dear." You never knew what was going on with
Ellington. It was an enchanting,
engrossing world, so you mustn't look at it like ordinary things. This was no ordinary person, and it was no
ordinary organization.
I don't know if either of you is in a position to
know, but my impression, especially toward the end of his life, is that he felt
like his life was a fairy tale, that God had given him a mission, and he was
the king of the court. Do you think I'm
off the mark on that?
SD: You have to
see the hedonistic side of Duke's life but also a melancholy side. When he was by himself, He had days of just
sitting around. He was sometimes
melancholy. He wasn't gay and cheerful
all the time.
HD: I think what
he says, Stan, is quite true. Certainly,
he did think he was gifted by God, that he had a destiny. And he fulfilled his
destiny. He felt that God hadn't put
any limits on him and he had a mission to do everything he could, go as far as
he could. As such, sure, there was a
court around him. He not only thought
it, he lived it.
Did he feel alienated from the world around him? I'm thinking of the student protests that I
came up with. Of course, he wouldn't
have anything to do with Black nationalism or anything like that. He was not of the world at that time. He was a kind of anachronism.
HD: No. What you have to realize is that he had very
strong racial feelings. I know more
about that than Stanley does, because when I came up with him, long before the
student protests, we knew all about it.
Duke, like everybody else, was subjected to all kinds of humiliations.
SD: Not when he
got that degree from Yale. The speech
was all very funny. So, “Take the ‘A’
Train,” “Mood Indigo….”
You mean somebody introducing him.
SD: It was
patronizing.
The White House was patronizing, too.
SD: But everybody
was thinking what a great honor this was for a Black jazz band.
HD: If you look
carefully into Mercer’s book, you’ll see.
When you say that Duke was an anachronism, not part of this world, it’s
not true. He knew everything that was
going; it was a part of being Duke Ellington.
Malcolm X, everybody was close to Duke:
they understood Duke knew the role that he could play. From Jump for Joy, which preceded all
of that, the Deep South Suite, everything he ever did, I believe, had a
comment.
I understand that, but I mean what an irony it was
that he be identified with Richard Nixon, and in the public mind he always will
be.
HD: When he had
his seventieth birthday, the President just happened to be Richard Nixon. Prior to that, he’d been to the White House
many times.
SD: That really
isn’t the point. It had nothing to do
with who the President was. It was the
fact that it was the President of the United States, no matter if it was Nixon
or Ford or anyone else.
HD: Well, people
would look at it, as you say, as if he were associated with Nixon. It just so happened that on his seventieth
birthday, they had to find a way to honor him.
I mean, from Nixon's point of view, it was just such a
transparent attempt to woo Black support, and Ellington fell right in with
that.
HD: No, he didn’t
fall right in. He resisted it by putting
Nixon in his place, too, at the dinner.
SD: Duke didn't
resist it because of Nixon, because nobody was aware of the extent of Nixon's
iniquity at that time. Ultimately, Duke
felt it was the President of the United States, not because he wanted to appear
in support of the Republican Party.
HD: Duke's reply
to Nixon's speech was very good, very Ellington, from the heart. Nixon had read a speech that I suppose had been
written for him. He said this was the
true American Dream and mentioned that Ellington's father had buttled at the
White House. Duke got up and said,
"How I feel today in this building might not be as great as you think,
because of the gifts God gave me and the place He put me in life. However, nothing much could happen to me in
comparison with having the mother and the father that I had. My feet never touched the ground, I was
brought up amid such love and devotion, inspiration and beauty."
SD: He said,
"There is no place I would rather be, except in my mother's arms. While this is very nice, it doesn’t mean as
much to me."
HD: That was
typical Nixon.
SD: No, that's not
fair, because you know what happened afterwards. Rather than thee ceelebrted
concert pieces
HD: I always hated
him.
SD: Yes, but Nixon
that night made a very nice vaudeville emcee.
He was insincere, maybe.
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